Photo of Lincoln at Gettysburg dedication. Lincoln is highlighted in this image in the middle of the crowd at the dais.
Credit: Image courtesy of American Memory at the Library of Congress.
"It is the desire that, after the Oration, you, as Chief Executive of the Nation, formally set apart these grounds to their Sacred use by a few appropriate remarks." So read the invitation to Abraham Lincoln to speak at the dedication of a national cemetery on the site of a pivotal Union victory at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. But contrary to popular belief, Lincoln did not give the keynote address. That oration was delivered by Edward Everett, a Massachusetts statesman, vice-presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union Party in 1860, and the most famous orator of his day. Everett spoke to the crowd of 15,000 without notes for over two hours. The president used only 272 words in his dedication of the cemetery grounds, with most American newspapers taking little notice of the now famous speech. But the day after the ceremony, Everett wrote Lincoln to say, "I should be glad, if I could flatter myself that I came as near the central idea of the occasion in two hours, as you did in two minutes."
This lesson will examine the most famous speech in American history to understand how Lincoln turned a perfunctory eulogy at a cemetery dedication into a concise and profound meditation on the meaning of the Civil War and American union.
This lesson will especially benefit teachers of AP U.S. History classes by deepening student understanding of the momentous themes of freedom, equality, and emancipation, listed in the Course Description as "Emancipation and the role of African Americans in the war," a subtopic under "Civil War." The learning activities will strengthen the higher order thinking skills students will need to do well on the AP exam, particularly the DBQ and essay part of the exam, by guiding them through an analysis of the themes that animate the Gettysburg Address, as they evaluate and judge Lincoln's enduring speech in light of an example of contemporary criticism that it drew.
On November 19, 1863, at the dedication of the Soldiers National Cemetery at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, Lincoln delivered what would become the most famous speech in American history. His dedicatory remarks began by going back in time, not to the Battle of Gettysburg, July 1-3, 1863, or even back to the framing of the U.S. Constitution, which was now under attack from rebellious forces. He returned his audience to what he considered the true birth of the nation, July 4, 1776. Even though the President fought the war to defend the Union and Constitution, the fact that it was a civil war indicated that some Americans had forgotten the true meaning of their constitutional union. For Lincoln, its meaning centered on the birth of an idea, expressed most clearly in the Declaration of Independence, that "all men are created equal." The union of the American states was thus born of a united belief in human equality as the basis of legitimate self-government.
Although Lincoln believed America was "conceived in liberty," this conception did not produce liberty for all; the Civil War was testimony to that. What began as a "self-evident" truth in 1776 had become by 1860 a "proposition" to be demonstrated. As Lincoln put it in an 1855 letter, "On the question of liberty, as a principle, we are not what we have been." At the Founding, most white Americans tolerated slavery as a necessary evil, while they tried to establish the institutions and practices of self-government for most, if not all, of America's inhabitants. But once cotton became "king" as the South's chief export, Southerners began defending the black slavery that produced it as "a positive good." This eventually led some Americans in the North, helped by Stephen Douglas's "popular sovereignty" policy, to be indifferent towards black slavery and hence its spread into federal territories. This shift in public opinion about the evil of slavery, Lincoln thought, undermined the future of freedom for whites as well as blacks, for if race could be used as a reason for some to enslave others, what would prevent a future majority from enslaving a minority on the basis of some other arbitrary characteristic or interest?
So in the midst of a war that could very well destroy the Union and spell the end of self-government (if secession were to succeed), Lincoln presents "the great task remaining before us": a fight to secure "government of the people, by the people, for the people." The three-day battle at Gettysburg doubled the losses of any of the major conflicts of the war up to that point: Union army casualties totaled 23,000—over a quarter of Gen. George G. Meade's men—while the Confederate dead, wounded, or missing have been estimated at 24,000 to 28,000-about a third of Gen. Robert E. Lee's army. Thus, Lincoln saw the Civil War as a severe test of whether or not self-government "so conceived and so dedicated can long endure."
At the outset, Lincoln prosecuted the war only to preserve the Union, but abolitionists hoped the war would free the slaves. As commander-in-chief, Lincoln waited until emancipation became "a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion" before issuing the liberating decree on January 1, 1863. This made 1863 the Year of Jubilee, with freedom proclaimed to slaves throughout the rebellious sections of the country. Emancipation thus became the backdrop for Lincoln's Gettysburg Address later that year. (For additional information about the Emancipation Proclamation, see Section VIII below, "Extending the Lesson," and a related lesson plan, The Emancipation Proclamation: Freedom's First Steps.)
With Emancipation declared for the vast majority of American slaves, Lincoln asked Americans to see that the fight to defend the Constitution and Union had become, as well, a fight to defend the freedom of the former slaves of the rebel states. Given the controversy about the Emancipation Proclamation, even in the North, Lincoln did not spell out in detail that a successful war for union had to be a war for emancipation; his Gettysburg Address, therefore, never mentions the Emancipation Proclamation or slavery. Nevertheless, he also never uses the word "union," choosing instead to speak of a "nation" dedicated to liberty at its birth, a "nation" tested for that belief, and hence a "nation" he hopes will experience a "new birth of freedom." No longer will the war be fought simply to preserve "the Constitution as it is, the Union as it was"—a popular slogan of Northern "peace Democrats." As Lincoln put it in his December 1, 1862 State of the Union address, "In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give, and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of earth."
In his Address to Congress in Special Session (July 4, 1861), Lincoln said the attempt of certain states to secede raised profound questions for America: "Is there, in all republics, this inherent, and fatal weakness?" "Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?" He declared that "this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man, the question, whether a constitutional republic, or a democracy—a government of the people, by the same people—can, or cannot, maintain its territorial integrity, against its own domestic foes." His use of the phrase, "a government of the people, by the same people," which he repeats later in the Gettysburg Address, indicates his abiding concern for the viability of self-government.
To "save the union" was to save what Lincoln called "the last best hope of earth," for the union's survival entailed the survival of the Constitution and the rule of law from the anarchic principle of secession, what Lincoln called "rebellion sugar-coated." In Lincoln's mind, defending the American union from those who sought to divide it was the urgent business of every true lover of liberty, and thus the highest tribute the living could render the dead who were buried at Gettysburg. Thus Lincoln turned a cemetery dedication into a dedication of the living to a certain course of action: "that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth." For the dead not to have died in vain, Lincoln exhorts his audience to pursue that "new birth of freedom" by defending the Union and securing the equal liberty for which it stands.
Ironically, Lincoln does so by depreciating the value of words in the face of deeds: "The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here." Of course, the world can best remember the deeds of the dead precisely through the eloquence of words, something the keynote speaker Edward Everett conceded to Lincoln when he said that he "should be glad, if I could flatter myself that I came as near the central idea of the occasion in two hours, as you did in two minutes." Imagine if subsequent generations had to rely upon Everett's oration to recall the feats of those who died at Gettysburg! Words do make a difference, and in a way that belies a superficial reading of Lincoln's confession of an orator's "poor power to add or detract."
Not everyone was enthralled with Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, even in the North. The Chicago Times, a Democratic newspaper and longtime critic of Lincoln, thought he exploited the cemetery dedication for political purposes. In an editorial written a few days after the Gettysburg ceremony, the Times argued that Union soldiers fought only to defend the Constitution and Union against rebellious citizens, and not, as Lincoln asserted, to inaugurate "a new birth of freedom" for blacks as well as whites. Most northern, Democratic newspapers simply ignored the president's brief remarks or joined the Chicago Times in criticizing Lincoln for his partisanship and for siding with the "negro" as the equal of whites.
If students need practice in analyzing primary source documents, excellent resource materials are available at the EDSITEment-reviewed Learning Page of the Library of Congress. Helpful Document Analysis Worksheets may be found at the site of the National Archives.
The goal of this lesson is for students to decide if Lincoln can answer the criticism of a Chicago Times editorial, which claimed that his Gettysburg Address misrepresented the purpose of the Civil War and the cause for which Union soldiers had died. Students will evaluate primary source documents, analyze the claims that are made in each, and then decide how well Lincoln can answer the charges made against him.
To enhance student learning even further, prior to the debate and if time permits, an interactive timeline has been included with this lesson designed to provide the student with more information-aural, visual, and textual-on the context of the Gettysburg Address. Because the interactive provides background material, it is listed first in the following section.
This lesson is built around the following sequence of tasks:
Have students read Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address to gain context for the criticism that follows. A link to the text of the Gettysburg Address can be found at the EDSITEment-reviewed site The Gettysburg Address of the Library of Congress. The Gettysburg Address is also included in the Text Document on page 1, and can be printed out for student use. Later in the lesson, students will answer questions about the address, available in worksheet form on pages 7-8 of the Text Document.
After students have read the Gettysburg Address, divide the class into groups of three or four for collaborative work on the following documents and accompanying questions.
The document analysis begins with a November 23rd editorial in the Chicago Times, a Democratic newspaper long critical of Abraham Lincoln. This editorial was published a few days after Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address and excoriated Lincoln for his interpretation of the war.
Have students read the Times editorial to gain perspective and ideas to interrogate Lincoln on his purposes for his Gettysburg eulogy. A link to the full text of the editorial can be found at the EDSITEment-reviewed site Teaching American History. The relevant excerpt is also included in the Text Document on pages 2-3, and can be printed out for student use. While in their groups, have students work together on the answers to the following questions, which are also available in worksheet form on page 4 of the Text Document:
After answering the questions, instruct the students in each group to collaborate in writing a paragraph summarizing the criticisms leveled against Lincoln's Gettysburg Address by the writer of the editorial. They should refer to the worksheet questions and their answers in writing the paragraph.
Then have the group synthesize the criticisms into two or three questions which they will use to interrogate Lincoln in his Gettysburg Address. If students need help with this exercise, guide them through the process of turning a criticism into a question. For example, the Chicago Times editorial interprets the Constitution not as presuming the equality of men but rather the preservation of slavery, so the following question for Lincoln could be constructed: How can Lincoln say that our forefathers dedicated this nation to "the proposition that all men are created equal" when the Constitution assumes the inequality of men by permitting and safeguarding slavery?
After they have framed two or three questions, tell students to put the questions aside for use later in the lesson.
A few days after the Battle of Gettysburg, the president was serenaded at the White House. Lincoln preferred not to give extemporaneous remarks, but the recent victory at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, which led to Robert E. Lee's retreat on July 4th, put the President in a good mood. Lincoln indulged the gathered crowd with a brief reflection on the significance of July 4th, what he called "a glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech." But he hastened to add that he was "not prepared to make one worthy of the occasion." He did, however, mention a few ideas that eventually found their way into his remarks at Gettysburg four months later.
Have students read Lincoln's "Response to a Serenade" (July 7, 1863), and then answer the questions below, which are also available in worksheet form on page 6 of the Text Document. A link to the text of the Response to a Serenade can be found at the Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, accessible via the EDSITEment-reviewed site Lincoln/Net. Lincoln's "Response to a Serenade" is also included in the Text Document on page 5, and can be printed out for student use.
Have students re-read Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and answer the questions that follow below, which are available in worksheet form on pages 7-8 of the Text Document. A link to the text of the Gettysburg Address can be found at the EDSITEment-reviewed site The Gettysburg Address of the Library of Congress. The Gettysburg Address is also included in the Text Document on page 1, and can be printed out for student use.
Direct each group to retrieve the questions they framed after their reading of the Chicago Times editorial and use them to take aim at Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. They are to pose their questions to Lincoln's Address as a prosecutor would do, and then they are to switch positions by taking the stand and answering each of their questions as they think Lincoln would answer, based upon the knowledge they gained from their analysis of his speech.
Each student will now make a decision, independent of the other members of his or her group: Do Lincoln's answers stand up to the criticism of the editorial? Ask students to rate Lincoln's response to the editorial on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 representing a least favorable opinion of his ability to answer the criticism, and 5 representing a most favorable opinion. Then have students write a paragraph justifying why they chose the number they did.
Instruct students to write a one- or two-paragraph response to any or all of the following questions:
When the Union army stopped Lee's invasion of Maryland at the Battle of Antietam (September 17, 1862), Lincoln thought he could hasten the war to a close by attacking the support that slavery was giving the rebel cause. On September 22, he issued a Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, declaring that on January 1, 1863, the slaves in any state or part thereof where the people "shall then be in rebellion against the United States" shall be "then, thenceforward, and forever free." Although Lincoln worried that his executive order might be overturned by a Supreme Court still headed by Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, he believed that as "Commander-in-Chief . . . in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure," Lincoln had the authority and occasion to free the slaves of the rebellious South.
Have students read Abraham Lincoln's "Final Emancipation Proclamation" and answer the questions that follow below, which are available in worksheet form on page 10 of the Text Document. A link to the full text of the Emancipation Proclamation can be found at the EDSITEment-reviewed site Emancipation Proclamation of the National Archives. The relevant excerpts from the Emancipation Proclamation are also included in the Text Document on page 9, and can be printed out for student use.
Lincoln once said of the Emancipation Proclamation that "as affairs have turned, it is the central act of my administration and the great event of the nineteenth century." This remark came after the House of Representatives finally approved the Thirteenth Amendment in January 1865 (the Senate had passed it in April 1864), an amendment Lincoln worked hard to get passed. Although Lincoln has been referred to as the Great Emancipator, some question if the Emancipation Proclamation was even a legitimate exercise of presidential authority. Moreover, given that the Proclamation came a year and a half after the war had begun, and after Lincoln had revoked two emancipation declarations by his generals, others wonder if Lincoln's decision to liberate American slaves was more a reluctant decision than a sincere strike against the peculiar institution. Students can begin to answer these questions by reading the complete text of Lincoln's "Final Emancipation Proclamation" and answering additional questions about the Proclamation and how it compares with Lincoln's aim in the Gettysburg Address.
Have students read the full text of Abraham Lincoln's "Final Emancipation Proclamation" and answer the questions that follow below, which are available in worksheet form on pages 13-14 of the Text Document. A link to the text of the Emancipation Proclamation can be found at the EDSITEment-reviewed site The Gettysburg Address of the National Archives. The full text of the Emancipation Proclamation is also included in the Text Document on pages 11-12, and can be printed out for student use.
2 class periods